More
than three years after the resignation of police Chief David Wray, the
city of Greensboro faces a second racial discrimination lawsuit based
on official go-ahead from the US Justice Department’s civil rights
division.
The first was filed by 39 black officers; the second comes from Officer Julius Fulmore, a bitter rival of Scott Sanders, the detective whose job for the better part of three years was to keep tabs on black cops accused of wrongdoing.
Fulmore’s lawsuit repeatedly argues a double standard against the plaintiff and other black officers, and while the specific merits could end up being decided by testimony about police practices and examination of standard operating procedures, it’s clear that Sanders did little else besides investigate black officers. Sanders reported directly to Deputy Chief Randall Brady, a personal friend of Wray’s who came up through the ranks with the chief. Sanders, who is nicknamed Scooter, was acquitted of a criminal charge of illegally accessing one of Fulmore’s computers in February.
Michael Longmire, the lead investigator for Risk Management Associates, or RMA, wrestled with Sanders’ role during a November 2005 discussion with an uncooperative Brady about a lengthy investigation of another black officer, Lt. James Hinson, that was interrupted by a probe into an allegation by a Guilford County Jail inmate that Fulmore was involved with a drug dealer.
“You
got this very serious allegation against a police officer… and a number
of other black police officers,” Longmire said to Brady at the time.
“You find it so important to get to the bottom of it that you assign it
to a special investigator, not within the normal process used to
investigate officers, so you can get to the truth. And you let it drag
on for a couple years because he’s busy doing something else. From a
layperson — from the outside, that’s the message I’m getting, that
you’ve got a situation that’s so sensitive that you’ve taken outside
the normal process.
It drags on for a couple of years and then
it just disappears, but it doesn’t disappear does it? I mean, Scooter
continues to investigate these same allegations, the same issues, and
these same investigators [SIC] up through probably today.”
Wray,
Brady and Sanders are all white. Fulmore’s lawsuit, which was filed on
May 21, alleges that following Wray’s appointment as chief in 2003, he
“created and developed a pattern and practice of investigating and
disciplining black officers, including Officer Fulmore, more harshly,
and paying and promoting black officers, including Officer Fulmore,
less favorably, than white officers in the GPD.” Officers “charged with
the same criminal or administrative violations were not investigated or
disciplined in a uniform manner,” the suit charges. “It appears that
more scrutiny and discipline were applied to black officers.”
Efforts
to reach David Wray, who was hired as a security director with
responsibility for three airports in eastern Tennessee by the US
Transportation Security Administration last year, proved unsuccessful.
“One
of the GPD’s goals in undertaking the discriminatory investigations was
to destroy the reputations of black GPD officers and to prevent them
from receiving promotions, meritorious assignments, pay raises and
other additional forms of compensation,” Fulmore charges. “Another of
the GPD’s goals in undertaking the discriminatory investigations was to
terminate and/or imprison black officers.”
The lawsuit
itemizes at least a dozen alleged acts of discrimination in its bill of
particulars, nearly all of them involving Detective Scott Sanders. They
range from the creation and use of three lineups and photo arrays of
black officers, multiple searches of various computers used by Fulmore,
three investigations, at least one attempt to entice the officer into
criminal activity, and a transfer based on an administrative violation.
If the Greensboro City Council chooses not to settle with
Fulmore, the courts will have to determine the exact role of lineups of
black officers that were allegedly used in discriminatory internal
investigations, but the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
appears to have little doubt as to the purpose.
“Testimony and
documentary evidence confirms that [Greensboro’s] chief of police
maintained a book which contained personal and confidential information
on black police officers,” wrote Jose Rosenberg, the local EEOC
director in Greensboro in a July 2007 letter to Fulmore. “Furthermore,
there is evidence to support that said book was used to attempt to
obtain incriminating evidence on black officers.
“A review of
the record shows that non-black officers were not subjected to this
type of treatment,” Rosenberg continued. “Based on this analysis, I
have determined that the evidence obtained during the investigation
establishes a violation of the [Civil Rights Act] statute and indicates
[Fulmore] was discriminated against.”
Auspicious start
A
kind of legend has attached itself to the 49-year-old Officer Julius
Fulmore, called Jay, a physically imposing lawman with craggy features.
Fulmore and Tim Bellamy, who succeeded Wray as chief, worked
undercover in vice-narcotics in the late 1980s. Bellamy recalls that it
was 1987 or so when the two made the first known crack-cocaine arrest
in Greensboro. It took place at a faded establishment called the Golden
Eagle Hotel, then across the street from the News & Record
building.
“We got calls from numerous sources, that there was
a guy selling some dope that had never been in Greensboro,” Bellamy
recalled recently. “We got this information, went to see for ourselves,
and started seeing people go in and out of the room. We were able to go
up and purchase drugs our own selves. We made several direct buys and
then we went in and made the arrest. We recovered what was found to be
crack cocaine.”
Bellamy remembered the dealer as being 17 or
18, and from Florida. “He and others went to different states where
there wasn’t crack at that time,” the chief said, “and they sold out of
hotels.”
Fulmore’s lawsuit cites numerous accolades: Officer
of the Year during his first year on the vice squad, federal Drug
Enforcement Administration recognition awards and an FBI commendation.
His reputed skills at undercover work may have also fed rumors among
some of his colleagues that he had gone over to the dark side. If city
officials fail to appreciate the humiliation of being transferred to
lowly patrol in 2005 after failing to properly document contact with a
prostitute-informant, the lawsuit spells out exactly what was lost. “As
a result of Officer Fulmore’s successful work in Greensboro and
throughout the state and pursuant to mutual aid agreements, Officer
Fulmore began to receive recognition from other state and federal law
enforcement agencies,” the lawsuit reads. “Officer Fulmore was then
asked to join, and was sworn as a member of multiple federal task
forces, which is a great honor and is reserved for only a handful of
officers. In addition to added honor and prestige, municipal officers,
including Officer Fulmore, serving on federal task forces receive
substantial additional financial compensation for such service.”
In
2001, Fulmore was transferred to the special intelligence division,
which was charged with handling civil disorders, street gangs,
demonstrations, terrorist activity, organized crime and drug
enforcement, along with providing security for visiting dignitaries and
city council meetings alike.
Both Fulmore and Sanders, who
would join special intelligence a year later, described the squad’s
work as “sensitive.” Fulmore testified at Sanders’ trial he was
“constantly on the defense” with Sanders, and that the “two had not
really established a working relationship.”
Fulmore stayed on
various multi-agency task forces that he had helped create, and one of
Fulmore’s partners was Mark Heinbach, an agent with the US Housing
& Urban Development Department.
“We worked a lot of long hours together,” Heinbach testified during the Sanders trial. “I’d trust him with my life.”
The Wray era
If
Fulmore experienced difficulties with colleagues like Sanders before
the departure of Robert White, a hard-charging black chief who left
Greensboro to head the Louisville Metro Police Department in Kentucky,
they multiplied with appointment of David Wray to the job of chief in
2003. “Within the first week of Wray’s tenure, Wray held a mandatory
meeting of the ‘command staff’ and all supervisors of the GPD,”
Fulmore’s complaint states. “At that meeting, Wray stated that he was
going to go in his own direction and that he ‘was willing to take
casualties.’”
Not surprisingly, Wray views those days through
a different lens. “At the time David Wray was promoted to chief, the
city manager, Ed Kitchen, discussed with David Wray the perception that
integrity and high standards had deteriorated under Chief White,” reads
a lawsuit filed by Wray against the city, “and that as chief, David
Wray would need to take appropriate steps to restore the integrity and
high standard s that were maintained under Chief Daughtry.”
Fulmore’s
lawsuit alleges that as part of the department’s “discriminatory
policies, Brady, at the direction of Wray, created and implemented a
pattern and practice of assigning Sanders to investigate all
allegations against black GPD officers of criminal conduct or
administrative violations of GPD regulations.”
Sanders would
later testify that only three people were aware of his investigations:
Wray, Brady and Sgt. Craig McMinn, his supervisor in special
intelligence.
Brady confirmed during his interview with RMA’s
Longmire that Sanders “did report to me on sensitive cases.” Brady
acknowledged that he and Sanders would talk several times a week, and
recalled that on one occasion McMinn complained that it was hard to
supervise Sanders “when he did not know exactly what was going on.” By
the time Wray became chief, Sanders’ reporting relationship with Brady
was already in place. Brady told Longmire that as early as March 2003,
four months before Wray’s appointment, Sanders and a vice-narcotics
detective named Brian Bissett were debriefing him about sensitive
matters involving black police officers.
At all times,
following the new chief’s inaugural meeting with command staff,
Fulmore’s lawsuit argues, “Sanders acted under authority given to him
by Wray in his capacity as chief of police.”
Like Wray,
Sanders and Brady could not be reached through their lawyer for
comment. Testimony in the Sanders trial revealed that he conducted 10
separate investigations of black officers. Among them were Lt. Brian
James, who was the executive officer to Chief Wray at the time, and Lt.
James Hinson, widely considered a rising star on the force.
While
it was no secret that Fulmore and Sanders didn’t get along, no one
argues that Sanders was a rogue cop. “He didn’t decide who he
investigated,” argued Sanders’ lawyer, Seth Cohen, during the trial.
“He’s assigned that.” A key argument in Fulmore’s complaint is that
Wray directed the criminal investigations division to investigate
allegations of criminal conduct and directed internal affairs to
investigate allegations of administrative violations against non-black
officers, while allegations against black cops were handed off to
Sanders, who pursued them under murky guidelines and reported directly
to the chief.
Proving that would establish a pattern and
practice of discrimination. Fulmore’s lawsuit does not present examples
of how allegations of misconduct by white officers were handled, but
standard operating procedures and departmental directives obtained by
Risk Management Associates in late 2005 indicate that Sanders’ methods
diverged from the norm. GPD Directive 7.1.6, entitled “Allegations
Involving Violations of Criminal Law,” states that “some investigations
(of police employees), due to their nature, will be conducted as a
criminal investigation prior to or concurrently with the administrative
investigation. The criminal investigations division will be responsible
for conducting any investigation of allegations against departmental
members that involves a violation of criminal law.” GPD Directive
7.1.5, entitled “Responsibilities of the Division of Professional
Standards,” states that “the internal affairs section of the Greensboro
Police Department serves as the department’s control agent in all
administrative investigations: in recording investigations when
received; reviewing completed investigations for thoroughness,
objectivity and accuracy, as well as establishing and maintaining a
complete case file on each investigation. In addition, the section is
responsible for conducting administrative investigations at the
direction of the chief of police.”
In
contrast, a standard operating procedure for “Special Intelligence
Section Information Gathering” that was approved in 1996 includes no
mention of the squad of investigating other police officers.
The
first of the lineups in Fulmore’s lawsuit alleged to be among the
department’s “discriminatory methods” is given the memorable name of
the “Five Black Officer Lineup.” The complaint alleges that it
contained the photos of
Fulmore, Hinson, Norman Rankin, Steve Snipes and Allen Wallace, and was created at Sanders’ behest by GPD employee Dana Bailey.
Reached
by phone at the police department, Bailey declined to discuss the
lineup without authorization from the chief’s office, which did not
respond to the request.
The lineup is mentioned in a
confidential report by RMA that was leaked to the press in two stages
and later made public. The RMA report dates the lineup to 2002, which
would have fallen under the White administration, while the Fulmore
lawsuit dates it more generally “in or around 2003.” Given that Hinson,
Rankin and Snipes were implicated in a 1997 bachelor party held in
Hinson’s honor that involved strippers, the RMA report reasoned, “it
was appropriate to show lineups to bachelor party attendees in an
attempt to identify the officers involved. However, any other display
of such lineups without an underlying allegation thereafter would be
inappropriate.”

Officer Scott Sanders (right) was assigned to the special intelligence division after Randy Gerringer (center) retired. Fulmore testified that he and Sanders “never really established a working relationship.” (photo by Brian Clarey)
To
the contrary, the lawsuit alleges that “the Five Black Officer Lineup
was shown to criminals by the GPD in 2003, 2004 and 2005 to elicit
false allegations from such persons of improper conduct by Officer
Fulmore.” The lawsuit offers no evidence to back up the claim.
Another
“discriminatory method” noted in the lawsuit is a digital photo array
of all black officers employed by the Greensboro Police Department that
Sanders allegedly placed on his laptop computer.
The
circumstances or indeed whether the array existed at all remains a
matter of controversy. In July 2005, when concerns about lineups
surfaced within the department, Sanders referenced a digital photo
array in a memo to Brady. The memo states that Bridgett Ekwensi, who
was a participant in Hinson’s 1997 bachelor party, had mentioned a lone
white officer among the black cops. “In October 2003, she was allowed
to view more photographs,” Sanders wrote. “These were displayed on a
laptop computer screen from files that were on a recorded CD. These
were the best collection at that time of all Greensboro Police
Department employees, which resulted in approximately 750 photos in
alphabetical order.”
The white officer turned out to be
Sanders’ direct-line supervisor, Craig McMinn. Needless to say,
Sanders’ account differs from that of Fulmore.
Endless investigations
The
RMA report dates Fulmore’s assignment to a federal task force
investigating Terry Bracken for drug trafficking to 2003. That fall, a
Guilford County Jail inmate named Pamela Williams claimed, as the RMA
report described it, “to have seen Fulmore and Bracken together and
claimed to have a video tape of them together at a party where drugs
were openly displayed.”
The allegations led to an
investigation by the Guilford County Sheriff’s Office, the State Bureau
of Investigation and the Greensboro Police Department. Sanders was
assigned to the case on behalf of the GPD. Fulmore’s complaint makes
note of the fact that the Greensboro Police Department elected to
continue the investigation after the SBI determined that Williams’
allegations were baseless, and the department used such tactics as
placing a GPS tracker on Fulmore’s police vehicle and having Sanders
surreptitiously review
Fulmore’s e-mails.
Special
Agent James Bowman, who worked the case for the SBI, testified in
Sanders’ trial in February that agents went down to South Carolina and
enlisted Pamela Williams’ daughter to call Fulmore and tell him that a
Secret Service agent had been coming around and asking about security
tapes that purportedly showed Fulmore and Bracken “meeting for drug
business.”
Fulmore told Williams’ daughter that he didn’t know
the Secret Service agent, and that the agent could contact him, Bowman
testified.
The SBI agent added that investigators took another
measure: They had Williams’ daughter call Fulmore and tell him her
grandfather was threatening to destroy the tapes.
“Fulmore
instructed her not to do that,” Bowman said. “In my mind that was
completely exculpatory to Fulmore.” Bowman and Sanders compared
Fulmore’s phone numbers with Bracken’s phone numbers, and Bowman
testified that they found “no significant information.” Another
allegation leveled against Fulmore by Williams — that he came to jail
to threaten her — proved to be contradicted by jail records.
“I
developed a concern… that Detective Sanders had what I would call
‘tunnel vision’ as to this particular person we were investigating,”
Bowman said in court. “He felt that Fulmore was guilty of something,
and despite contrary evidence he continued to see it only one way.” No
criminal charges or administrative citations resulted from the
investigation, but just when the Williams case seemed to be winding
down, in early June 2004, a vice-narcotics detective initiated an
inquiry based on a discovery that a room at the Red Carpet Inn had been
registered in Fulmore’s name. Detective LT Marshall reported that hotel
staff informed him of suspected prostitution activity occurring in the
adjacent room. An unsigned narrative matching Marshall’s perspective
states that the vice-narcotics detective called Fulmore’s city-issued
cell phone, and then contacted Sanders “of the special investigations
division [SIC], who also works with Detective Fulmore. Detective
Sanders stated that Detective Fulmore was in training. I then advised
Detective Sanders of the circumstances and why I wanted to contact
Detective Fulmore. Detective Sanders advised me that he would meet with
me and for me to stay where I was. Detective Sanders responded
and I showed him where the hotel room was located. Fulmore’s complaint
alleges that Sanders, Marshall and Brian Bissett, a second
vice-narcotics detective who was on the scene, “had absolutely no
evidence that Officer Fulmore engaged in any sort of criminal conduct.”
Rosa S. Torres, an employee of the Red Carpet Inn, would later
recall during an interview with internal affairs investigators that
three white males identifying themselves as vice-narcotics officers
requested access to the room registered in Fulmore’s name. “Ms. Torres
advised when they came out she went in to clean, at which time she
discovered a cigarette box and a pipe with cocaine under the covers of
the bed,” the report records. A used condom was also recovered from the
room. The occupant of the adjacent room was Brenda Weidman, a white
prostitute who happened to be one of Fulmore’s informants.
Weidman
told investigators that she went into Fulmore’s room in the night in
question, and the black detective pulled out a bag of powder cocaine
and asked the prostitute to cook it. An administrative report
continues: “She alleged she cooked the cocaine and smoked a small
amount to confirm it was good. Ms. Weidman alleged Detective Fulmore
gave her $100 worth of the cooked crack-cocaine before placing the rest
in a plastic bag and keeping it. She alleged she and Detective Fulmore
then had consensual oral and vaginal sex.” Fulmore denied Weidman’s
allegations. He was suspended with pay while the case was investigated.
Three days after the hotel room was rented, Fulmore’s complaint
alleges that Chief Wray informed Capt. Gary Hastings, who headed the
criminal investigations division, about the discovery. “Wray told
Hastings that Brady had been working the investigation of Officer
Fulmore, and through Brady’s hard work ‘they’ had ‘taken down’ Officer
Fulmore,” the complaint reads.
“Also in the June 5, 2004
conversation, Wray told Hastings that Officer Fulmore had committed
crimes involving prostitution, narcotics and association with
criminals.”
An evidence control form listed a glass tube containing an off-white residue and used condoms. An investigation determined that the condoms were Fulmore’s, but the drug paraphernalia belonged to an associated.
Reached
at the police department, Hastings, now an assistant chief, would not
comment on the veracity of the complaint, and Fulmore’s lawyer declined
to disclose the source of the allegation.
The complaint
charges that “Wray’s statements to Hastings were indicative of the
disparate treatment that Officer Fulmore was subjected to as a result
of his race, in that non-black officers were presumed innocent prior to
the conduct of investigations of alleged wrongdoing, while black
officers were not.” In fact, Fulmore had rented the room for an
employee at the automotive shop he operated on Randleman Road. The
employee, Greg Lewis, had recently been put out of his mother’s house,
where he had been staying to that point. Before Lewis arrived at the
hotel to go to sleep, Fulmore and a female friend had used the room to
have sex. To protect the young woman’s privacy and because police
reports indicate that her boyfriend at the time was angry about her
involvement with Fulmore, YES! Weekly is withholding her name. However,
there should be no doubt that she is not the same woman as Brenda
Weidman, and no one has ever suggested that she was a prostitute.
An
administrative report signed by both Fulmore and Wray records that
Fulmore told investigators that he and his female friend watched
television in the hotel room. The off-duty detective drank a Natural
Light beer and smoked a Newport cigarette, and the female friend drank
a diet soda. Then, Fulmore told investigators, the two had sex three
times using condoms that he provided.
The administrative
report records that Lewis told investigators that “he had a glass tube
used to cook crack in a cigarette pack inside his pocket, which
possibly fell out of his pocket and was left in the room.” “If you want
to put it on me, I’ll take it,” Lewis told Sanders, Bissett and
Marshall. “Not Jay.” Fulmore told investigators that Lewis showed up at
his shop a couple weeks after the hotel incident to apologize.
“He
advised he told Mr. Lewis he did not want to talk about the situation,
because he was very upset and wanted to let things pan out,” the report
reads. Notwithstanding his discontent, Fulmore said he never let his
anger show to Lewis.
DNA swabs were taken of Fulmore, Weidman
and the used condom recovered from the room rented by Fulmore, and sent
to the SBI lab for analysis. The results excluded Weidman as a match
for the DNA taken from the condom, but did not rule out Fulmore.
At
the end of the criminal investigation, the final administrative report
indicates, Sanders and Bissett presented their findings to the Guilford
County District Attorney’s office, which determined they lacked
sufficient evidence to support the elements of criminal charges. The
administrative investigation sustained a single allegation that Fulmore
violated a departmental directive by failing to fill out a contact card
to document his contact with Weidman on a number of occasions before
the hotel incident took place.
The city legal report noted
that Fulmore’s punishment was transfer to patrol, “according to the
chief, to ‘watch what he was doing.’”
Capt. Matt Lojko,
commanding officer of the division of professional standards, reviewed
the case at Wray’s request in September 2005, and could find nothing
wrong with it. “There were no indications of disparate treatment of the
affected employee,” he wrote.
A 2005 internal city legal
report, drafted a month or two later, determined otherwise. “Det. Scott
Sanders of SID has had substantial contact with several female
informants, but according to him he has not completed any documentation
of this contact. Moreover, according to Sanders, his superiors were
aware of these contacts and did not require him to complete such
documentation. Both Fulmore and Sanders were assigned to the SID unit
at the time of their failure to document contact with confidential
informants.”
In February 2005, while internal affairs was
wrapping up its administrative investigation of Fulmore, Sanders
created a lineup book containing photographs of 19 black officers that
came to be known among African-American officers as the “black book.”
The book’s purported purpose is innocuous enough, but the incident of
alleged misconduct that prompted its creation remains shrouded in
mystery.
“It has been rumored that investigators with the
special intelligence division created a book containing pictures of all
the African-American officers,” the city legal report observes. “It was
further rumored that special intelligence was showing these pictures to
suspects and informants. It has not been confirmed that a ‘black book’
exists.”
Subsequent revelations raise the question of whether
the so-called “black book” was a decoy designed to throw off efforts to
track Sanders’ multiple investigations.
As Fulmore’s complaint
notes, the city has alleged that the “Black Officer Lineup Book” was
created pursuant to a prostitute’s allegation that a black GPD officer
groped her in a motel room. The lawsuit states, “Despite the city’s
allegations, no GPD investigative report or other GPD documentation
from the time of the supposed sexual harassment allegations exists to
substantiate that a prostitute ever made such allegations.”
Police
attorney Maurice Cawn told YES! Weekly in 2008 that the department had
no incident report documenting the alleged assault.
Pat
Boswell, the city’s public affairs director added, “At this time, it
seems that the GPD does not have a date for this alleged event.” And
yet a memo from Sanders to Brady that was written months after the fact
states, “I searched records and compiled a list of all black male
police officers who were on duty in uniform at the time frame that the
victim/witness said that this incident occurred.”
Chief
Bellamy has also expressed doubt about the incident, telling council
members during a January 2005 closed-session meeting that the police
department had never had 19 black officers on duty at one time. In
March 2005, Fulmore alleges, Sanders launched a new investigation of
Fulmore,
which lasted through the end of the year, that “was not based on new credible evidence or new credible allegations implicating any crime or administrative violations.” Fulmore alleges that Sanders and others operated out of a covert location on South Elm Street. The co-owner of the 14-story Guilford Building has previously confirmed to YES! Weekly that police use of the building dates back to the mid-1990s.
Where to?
Fulmore’s
lawsuit argues the police department’s reorganization of special
intelligence to report to the criminal investigations division
commander and the city’s acceptance of Chief Wray’s resignation
“constitutes an admission that the city engaged in racially disparate
treatment of Officer Fulmore.”
While the RMA Report focuses
more on questions about Wray’s integrity and honesty in his dealings
with his boss, then-City Manager Mitchell Johnson, investigators
reported finding “evidence that tends to support allegations made by
employees of disparate treatment.” (Wray has argued that the RMA report
contains “numerous factual errors and unjustified conclusions.”)
Fulmore’s
lawsuit argues that “the city’s failure to deny the findings of the RMA
report constitutes an adoptive admission” of its conclusions.
Facing
heavy public pressure to redeem the honor of Wray and his allies on the
force, city officials have been hard pressed to acknowledge any wrong
done to the black officers — a concession that would obviously
undermine the city’s negotiating position. Earlier this year, the US
Justice Department launched two investigations of the Greensboro Police
Department, one to evaluate claims by the 39 black officers who are
plaintiffs in the other discrimination suit against the city, and
another prompted by a discovery that blacks are underrepresented in the
department’s entry-level positions. Having fired Mitchell Johnson, who
took steps to address the black officers’ grievances, the city appears
to have backed itself into a corner.
According to a Rhinoceros
Times report, District 4 representative Mike Barber was one of four
council members who changed their vote last November and withdrew a
$750,000 settlement offer to the 39 black officers after the
conservative weekly published their names and stirred a firestorm of
public objection.
Barber, who has announced that he will not run for reelection, now says he supports a settlement even though he does not believe any of Fulmore’s claims are valid.
“My
role is to make decisions based on the longterm health and success of
our city,” said Barber, who is a lawyer. “I’m quite certain 95 percent
of the people I talk to would be absolutely opposed to a settlement. I
support a settlement because I deal with lawsuits and I know the damage
they can do. “I will not make my decision based on public sentiment and
the changing political winds,” the councilman continued. “I will take
my beating like a man.”
‘Wray’s statements to Hastings were indicative of the disparate treatment that Officer Fulmore was subjected to as a result of his race, in that non-black officers were presumed innocent prior to the conduct of investigations of alleged wrongdoing, while black officers were not.’ — Fulmore lawsuit


